Museums and Family Visitors in Australia
Museums in Australia have recognised the need to become more responsive to their audiences, especially families who visit museums in large numbers. Research has consistently found that positive early family visits to museums have a significant impact on later visiting habits. What is more, researchers have identified the importance of learning in family visits and the different roles that various family members play before, during, and after their visit.
For many years, museums in Australia have acknowledged the importance of families as visitors, with several establishing separate spaces for these groups, especially those with very young children. Major museums have developed dedicated spaces specifically designed for children and families. For example, the Melbourne Museum's Children's Gallery is aimed at three- to eight-year-olds and has a mandate to encourage children to discover and explore within a range of science issues. The goal is to provide an interactive, hands-on, and playful space that engages all the senses through continually updated exhibitions. The National Museum of Australia in Canberra developed Kspace, an interactive space where children "design their own future with the help of technology." This museum also designed Our Place, a series of cosy play spaces where children can explore the museum's themes in their own ways.
Other museums have also considered the entire family when designing their dedicated spaces. The Australian National Maritime Museum in Sydney, when developing Pirates, its below-the-deck pirate ship experience, realised that exhibitions aimed at children, particularly school-aged children, also needed more sophisticated exhibits to occupy their accompanying parents. The Powerhouse Museum in Sydney, while catering to varying tastes within families through its many temporary exhibitions and programs, recognised the value of a dedicated space for children who were visiting with their parents, and developed the museum's installation, Zoe's House, which caters specifically for children aged three to five years, to facilitate cooperation in children through play.
Family visits to museums in Australia share a number of characteristics. Generally, visitors take time for orientation, enter with a sense of curiosity, link what they see to their own prior experiences, and are most attracted to interactive displays. Their common viewing behaviour involves looking very closely at each display in the first gallery and then skimming and moving randomly in subsequent galleries. Their visiting behaviour is modified by increased experience with the setting: they like to revisit favourite displays, share their viewing and learning in a social context, and interact with people from the museum. They respond to physical needs by using the comfortable chairs provided or having a break after a little more than an hour, and generally stay for two hours at most.
Research has found that adult members of family groups play three roles which are particularly relevant to the family group during the visit: visit manager by directing and organising; museum expert through explaining, clarifying, and correcting; and learning facilitator in questioning and reminiscing. These roles occur simultaneously, are closely linked to the process of learning, and are dependent on both the social context of the visit and the group composition, particularly the ages of any accompanying children.
Parents consider museum visits to be valuable in creating and strengthening relationships with their children and in enabling them to tune into what fascinates their children. Parents make use of learning facilities such as open-access libraries and activity kits if they know the resources are there and understand their role. Family members each take notice of different aspects of an exhibit and construct a shared meaning together. Museums are seen as a good day out, something the whole family can enjoy as a different form of education and are generally considered good value for money.
In this increasingly complex world, where the real and virtual are blurring, and where changes in society can seem overwhelming, museums are able to provide spaces for families to be together as well as learn together. Parents value museum visits because they provide children with opportunities to learn in different ways through bringing concepts to life and enhancing school learning experiences. Museums stimulate visitors of all ages and open their minds to new ideas, the world around them, history, and other cultures. Children enjoy museums as places where they can fantasise, explore, and learn in ways that are more engaging than they experience in more formal settings, such as school. Museums need to identify the elements that families value, the ways families interact with museums, and how museums operate as extremely effective learning units. The challenge is for museums to then apply these principles, not only to the development of future exhibitions and programs but also to the ways they plan for all visitors.
IQ Scores
A Studies from numerous countries suggest that IQ scores have been rising fast since at least the 1950s - enough to mean that someone with an IQ classed as average at that time could be labelled as having low intelligence today. However, psychologists disagree about what the upward trend in scores really means. Some researchers argue that people are not getting more intelligent overall, but just getting better at a particular sort of problem solving. Others say they have found echoes of rising IQ scores in 'real world' measures of intelligence. To confuse things still more, there are hints that the trend may be about to grind to a halt.
B James Flynn, a professor of political science, first showed that IQ scores were rising in the mid-1980s, and became famous after others dubbed the pattern he had observed the 'Flynn effect'. In a landmark paper he made detailed comparisons across fourteen countries of trends in the results of tests that measure reasoning power. Overall, these showed a real growth in scores of up to 25 points in a generation. To find out more, Flynn went on to look at scores for each type of reasoning that IQ tests set out to measure, such as verbal, numerical and visuo-spatial. This last test category usually includes 'Raven's matrices' - sequential patterns with one piece missing. The candidate has to choose, from a set of alternatives, which shape to put in the empty space. When Flynn took a closer look at the scores, the pattern was clear. The strongest gains in almost every case were on Raven's matrices and similar tests, while verbal and arithmetical scores showed more modest rises. Since presenting his original paper, Flynn has looked at data from further countries and found the same upward trend, with the same skills responsible for most of the increase.
C Flynn feels that his eponymous effect is meaningful, but does not interpret it as evidence that people are becoming cleverer. Our grandparents were not retarded and we are not geniuses, he says. More likely we have simply developed the skills and habits of mind that make us better at solving abstract problems, and - just as importantly - we take such problems seriously. Flynn believes that demands on visuo-spatial abilities have grown because of TV, computers and cars, and also that in societies where intelligence has become something people focus on excessively, abstract problem-solving skills develop faster than other skills.
D Others have different views about what might account for the increase in IQ scores. John Rust of the University of London suggests that it is not just an increase in visuo-spatial activities that is pushing up IQ scores. He believes that there are several factors, including the fact that, in more complex societies, people have to think harder to find solutions to problems they face. He also points out that if just one mind grasps a new concept, such as Einstein and the theory of relativity, it may then be easier for society in general to think in a more complex way. Others, such as experimental psychologist Robert Howard, argue that overall intelligence really has risen, helped by better nutrition, smaller families, wider access to education and other environmental changes.
E Howard's latest research has sent him on a different line of enquiry. Controversially, he now believes that the rise in IQ scores might have peaked in industrialised countries. To support this view, he cites data from Denmark. The Danish military still summons virtually all young men before a draft board to identify who is suitable to do military service. Since 1957, all 17-year-olds there have taken exactly the same qualifying IQ tests - including ones similar to Raven's matrices. Candidates must also be able to answer verbal questions such as 'Sun is to day as Moon is to ?', and number-series questions such as '2, 3, 5, 8, ?'. Results in these tests have been carefully analysed by Thomas Teasdale, a neuropsychologist. He found that during the 1960s and '70s, scores showed gains on a scale similar to those of other countries, but by the 1990s the rate of improvement had slowed right down to about one IQ point over the decade. Furthermore, the scores were improving only on the visuo-spatial questions; verbal and numerical performance was flattening out. Most intriguingly, however, scores from 1999 onwards show an overall downturn. One explanation might be that there is some absolute ceiling to people's abilities to perform these tasks, no matter how much the prevailing culture encourages them. However, as Teasdale points out, if such a ceiling had been reached, the test results should show scores pushing against it rather than actually falling.
F Flynn is keeping a close eye on the findings, but is not jumping to conclusions until data from other countries is available. However, he does wonder whether the conditions leading to dramatic improvements in mental ability disappear as societies become more prosperous. He points out that in human history, prosperity often led to decadence, and argues that the case of ancient Rome can be viewed as an illustration of this.
The tuatara โ past and future
A The New Zealand species of lizard, the tuatara, is firmly embedded in the national psyche: an icon for today which dates from the age of dinosaurs; an ancient reptile commemorated on the back of the five cent coin. New Zealanders feel an affinity with the tuatara, and accept that active conservation management is required to ensure it will be among the legacies left to future generations.
B When European explorers reached New Zealand in 1769 they found two large islands, which together they called the 'mainland', and many tiny offshore islands around the coast. The naturalists who came with the explorers disregarded the tuatara, though it is improbable none were seen. Only several decades later did a tuatara specimen reach the British Museum, where it was eventually classified as just another type of lizard.
C One of the first scientists who realised that aspects of tuatara anatomy were odd โ unchanged for tens of thousands of years โ was Albert Gunther in 1876. Gunther believed the tuatara was one of the most valuable objects in zoological anatomical collections, and also noted, in passing, the reptile was likely to become extinct. From today's perspective, it is striking that Gunther expressed no concern about the probable demise of the tuatara. He and his contemporaries were products of their age, strongly influenced by Charles Darwin's theory, which had only recently been published. Their views were something like this: 'Extinction is a natural process. It is sad that species disappear, but that is part of nature.'
D There is a second important aspect of Gunther's work. He recorded, correctly, that some of the mammals introduced by Europeans were predators of the tuatara, particularly rats. But what he did not realise was that New Zealand has two species of rat, both introduced, both with an appetite for tuatara: the ship's rat came with European explorers and settlers; but the kiore rat had already been in the country for hundreds of years, brought by Polynesians from the Pacific Islands. Gunther failed to recognise the distinction, believing all rats to be a relatively recent introduction.
E Little further research was conducted until Ian Crook of the NZ Wildlife Service published his findings in 1973, which can be summarised as follows. Tuatara thrive on offshore islands with no rats. Tuatara never survived on islands with ship's rats. On a few islands, small and declining populations of tuatara occur with the kiore. This should not be seen, however, as evidence that tuatara and kiore can coexist. Rather, Crook proposed, kiore probably only arrived recently on such islands, and thus the small populations represent extinctions in progress.
F Throughout the 1990s, Richard Holdaway and his colleagues at Victoria University in Wellington documented the surprising discovery that kiore probably arrived about 1800 years ago, although the human population of New Zealand is thought to be no older than 800 years. How is this possible? Presumably, Holdaway argued, the kiore were brought by Polynesian explorers who visited the country but did not settle. Thereafter, the rats were agents of ecological warfare, exterminating perhaps 1000-3000 species. Thus, tuatara and many other species were already rare or extinct when permanent human inhabitants โ the Maori โ arrived around 1300. This hypothesis is still being debated, but the evidence continues to accumulate in its favour.
G Conservation practice has changed dramatically since Crook's findings were published in 1973. Eradication of rats from any given environment was believed to be virtually impossible until about 1980, but since then it has become routine. Enormous conservation benefits are accruing as newly rat-free offshore islands are providing sanctuaries for the country's rarest species. In 1995, for example, Nicola Nelson of the Department of Conservation established 68 tuatara on Titi Island. Since then, four more populations of tuatara have been established elsewhere under similar conditions. Today, numbers of tuatara are still a fraction of what they once were, but for the first time in 1800 years the decline has been reversed.
H While the recovery of rare species is itself a good thing, the truly significant outcome of this research is that it liberates the imagination. If we can remove predatory introduced mammals from islands, why not from the mainland too? Perhaps the questions we ask should demonstrate even more visionary ambition. Can non-mammalian pests also be removed from the mainland? Our rivers, for example, are full of surrogate rats, in the form of introduced species of fish called trout. Some day more people will understand that trout have replaced a whole native fauna in our waterways, just as rats replaced tuatara on the mainland. Will such knowledge lead to the creation of mainland 'aquatic islands' where we can once again establish those species of indigenous fish that used to live in our rivers? Similarly, can bellbirds and tuis replace birds like starlings and mynahs?
I The answers to such questions are uncertain, and opposing sides will doubtless be fiercely debated. But the role of scientific knowledge in illuminating the past will be crucial. Just as we now no longer tolerate extinction, in the future we may no longer accept a mainland devoid of the biological wonders of our past such as tuatara. Conservation is thus not primarily about the past but about imagining and then creating the future we wish for our children and ourselves. For 80 million years until humans arrived, tuatara occurred throughout New Zealand โ might they do so again?